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The Signifi- cance oi C. Snow London: Chatte and Windus, See also [ ohn de la Mothe, C. For th e deep gendering ofSnow's account , see, in particular, his comm ent tha t the nature of scient ific culture is "stead ily heterosexual," without literary culture's emphasis on "the feline and oblique. For thi s and other insight s int o Snow and hi s milieu we are indebt ed to Stefan Collini, our colle ague ar the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton during rh e acad emic year.
See Collin i, introduction , p. Hi storian of lit erature and technology Leo Marx continues to plumb th e vitality of th e two cultures debat e, seeing it as instrumental in isolat ing d iscussion s regarding the environment to a small group of natural scientists. See Leavis's critique in Two Cultures? Kuhn is responding to E. Not e th at Kuhn's tit! Kuhn, Essential Tension, pp. On the implicati on s and impact of G ombrich 's account of abstract art, see Ca roline A.
Sec also Sa muel Y. Edgerron, [r. Kemp , The Science of Art , p. Barbara Maria Stafford's books on th ese subjecrs include. This literarur e is so vast, one can only indicatc some key sta rt ing points. On diagrams, sec S. Ga lison, "Mi nkowski's Space-Time. Lorenz Krger Akademie Verlag, , See also Mich ael Lynch and St eve Woolgar, ed.
Lynch and Woolgar. Bemard Carl- son and Michael E. This resonates with Alp ers's ca ll for a turn "from style as histori cal ordering to the mode of making. As Snydcr relates, Marey emphas izes the role of th e imaginati on in th e final ch apte r of his last book: "T he images.. Marey, Movement, trans. Eric Pritchard London, , p. For a discussion of the ideology of th is construct, see Caroline A. Fonn all ', cerrrun islands were mo wCldtltres, while othev: W t.
Style as Inclusion, Style as Exclusion'. I n , the imprisonment of two Venetian priests on some petty eharges triggered a major diplomatie war between the Republie of Veniee and the Holy See. Pope Paul V, relying upon a prineiple that had been recently argued by some prominent theologians, felt entitled to intervene in the politieal affairs of the Republie of Venice, and asked for the release of the two priests.
A heated debate followed; the juridieal and political independenee of the Republie of Veniee as well as, on a more general level , the relationship between State and Chureh, were at stake. The Venetian point of view was powerfully argued in aseries of writings by the Republic's official theologian, Paolo Sarpi, the Servite friar who later beeame famous all over Europe as the pseudonymous author of the History of theCouncil of Trent. In , Sarpi was exeommunicated; some months later he was assaulted near his eonvent by five men with daggers.
Sarpi, badly wounded, whispered to the physieian who was treating his wounds that, as everybody knew, they had been made "stylo Romanae curiae" -meaning "by the knife of the Roman Curia" as well as "by the legal proeedure [literally, the pen] of the Roman Curia.
As we will see, "style" often has been used as a eutting deviee, as a weapon, and as a self-defining eategory. Ir has also played an important and insufficiently reeognized role in the aeeeptanee of eultural diver- sity-as well as in establishing eultural hegemonies.
Eventually the relevance of this topic to the history of science will also emerge. The text I will start from is taken from Cicero's De oratore 55 B. Crassus, who rep- resents the author's point of view, introduces his remarks on oratory by recalling Plato's dictum that all intellectual activities are bound together by an internal coher- ence.
But what follows Ill, 7, 25; 9, 36 is very unplatonic. Within a single art, like sculpture, he writes, we have excel- lent artists like Myro, Polyclitus, and Lysippus, whose extreme diversity is appreciated by everybody. The same can be said about painting he mentions Zeuxis, Aglaophon, and Apelles or poetry. Latin poets like Ennius, Pacuvius, and Accius are as different from each other as the Greek poets, Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides: all of them are nearly equally praised "in their various genre of writing" in dissimili scribendi genere.
Their excellence is incomparable; perfection, as Cicero shows by giving suc- einet definitions of the characteristics of various orators, is reached by every artist in his own way.
But ultimatelv, Cicero says, if we could scrutinize all the orators from every place and time, would we not condude that there are as many genres genera dicendi as there are oratorsi" Cicero's emphasis on the importance of specific genres, even to the point of idenrifving them with single individuals, was inspirecl by the rhetorical notion of "appropriateness" in Greek, to prepon.
The only advice he gave to his readers was to choose a style- high, low, or middle-that would be appropriate accommodawm to the legal case they would be dealing with Ill, 54, This is obviously far removed from Plato's search for a universal idea of Beauty. Cicero's implications that excellence and diversity were not incompatible were powerfully unfolded bv Augustine in a letter addressed to the imperial commissioner, Flavius Marcellinus.
Could He ever change His mind? In his reply Augustine stressed the distinction between "the beautiful" pulchrum and "the suitable" aptum , which had been the topic of his lost youthful treatise De pulchro er apro. In order to articulate the notion that the Old Testament was both true and superseded, Augustine had to rely on a different idiom.
He found it in De oratore. By a significant shift Augustine reshaped Cicero's aforernen- tioned argument, starting from his introductory remarks on natural diversity, in a tem- poral perspective.
The seasons of the year and the ages ofhuman life show, Augustine wrote, that both nature and human activities "change according to the needs of times by following a certain rhythm, but this does not affect the rhythm of their change.
The rhetorical notion of accommodation allowed Augustine to take simultaneously into account divine immutability and historical change. The long-term impact of this move will not be missed. If the foundations of our notion ofhistorical writing were laid by the Greeks, the foundations of our notion of historical perspective were laid by Augustine, in reflecting on the relationship between Jews and Christians.
Cicero's argument is echoed in a passage that provides one of the earliest uses of style in the domain of visual arts.
It occurs in Baldesar Castiglione's Il Cortegiano The Book of the Courtier , first published in but written approximately a decade before. The well-known exchange on sprezzatura leads to a much debated topic: imitation in literature.
Count Ludovico of Canossa, the author's mouthpiece in the dialogue, rejects imitation of ancient models in favor of custom consuetudine , arguing that "excellence can be nearly always achieved through different roads. In the latter, "maniera" and "stile" are used as synonyms that give a specific meaning to the generic "[ar" rnaking :.
Varie cose ancor egualmente piacciono agli occhi nostri tanto ehe con difficulta giudicar si po quai pi lor sono grate.
Eccovi ehe nella pittura sono eccellentis- simi Leonardo Vincio, il Mantegna, Raffaello, Michelangelo, Georgio da Castel- franco: nienredimeno, tutti son tra se nel far dissimili; di modo che ad alcun di loro non par che manchi cosa alcuna in quella maniera, perehe si conosce cias- cuno nel suo stil essere perfettissimo.
These painters are still part of our canon, as it was built up by Vasari. To establish a hierarchy among them would seem to most of us as it did to Castiglione a waste of time. Should we then dismiss Cicero's passage as a mere ropos or a commonplace? Logosformel , we may say, paraphrasing Aby Warburg. It was bequeathed to us by- and against-him. In a still fundamental essay, Erwin Panofsky described Vasari's historical approach as the hybrid result of two antithetical principles: a pragmatic one, which saw each phe- nomenon as part of a causal process, and a dogmatic one, which saw each phenome- non as a more or less perfect embodiment of a "perfect rule of the art.
He always evaluated each artist and each work for their contribution to the progress of the art. In language echoing as Panofsky noticed the scholastic distinction between simplieiter and seeundumquid, Vasari wrote at the end of his work: "I intended to give praise not absolutely [non semplieemente] but, as they say, according to [seeondo ehe], and with respect for places, times, and other similar circum- stances.
He continued:. In truth, taking the example of Giotto, no matter how highly praised he was in his own day, I do not know what would be said of him and other older artisans if they had existed in Buonarroti's time; moreover, the men of this century, which has reached the peak of perfection, would not have attained the heights they have reached if those who came before had not been as they were. But Vasari's linear historical construction was in fact undermined by an antithesis, although one very different from that suggested by Panofsky.
The first edition of Vasari's Lives, published in , did not include a life ofTitian, then at the height of his European fame he had just painted two portraits of Emperor Charles V.
At that date, Vasari was already familiar with some of Titian's works; he had even met him in Rome a few years before. The reason for not including Titian's life was given by Vasari at the end of his life of Giorgione, following an elaborate eulogy: "But because he [Ti- tian] is still alive, and his works are under the eyes of everybody, there is no need to speak about him. Probably Vasari felt that the inclusion ofTitian would have spoiled the role of absolute prominence he wanted to give to Michelangelo; he also may have had reason to believe that Michelangela would not have appreciated the presence of a life of Titian.
Whatever the reason, the second edition of Vasari's Lives, published in , after the death of Michelangelo, did include a life of Titian, in wh ich great praise was interspersed with criticism. Buonarroti strongly commended him, dedaring that he liked his colouring and style [maniera] very much but that it was a pity artisans in Venice did not learn to draw well from the beginning and that Venetian painters did not have a better method of study. This comment was presumably triggered by the fact that Titian's Danae had been inspired by Michelangelo's Night.
Vasari's Lives provided a model whose impact went far beyond the realm of visual arts-the Whiggish idea of scientific progress being a most notable example. But the intrusive presence ofTitian in the second edition pointed to an unsolved ten- sion. In the Venitian writer Ludovico Dolce had reacted to the first edition with a Dialogo della Ptura, in which the argument put forward by Cicero, and then spread by Castiglione, surfaced again: "one should not think Dolce praised Titian as "divine and peerless," a blending of Michelangelo's "greatness and fierceness [terribilita]," Raphael's "attractiveness and grace," and Nature's colors.
The antithesis was to some extent related to the one between "ancients" and "moderns," the partisans of color being identified with the latter. When, in the early nineteenth century, it was sug- gested for the first time that Greek sculptures and buildings had been painted in a vari- ety of colors, many admirers of antiquity were deeplv shocked.
One of the earliest and most striking examples of this atti- tude is the Entwurf einer historischen Architectur in Abbildung unterschiedener berhmten Gebude des Altertums und fremder Vlker by [ohann Bemhard Fischer von Erlach , a leading figure of Austrian Baroque architecture, who during his long stay in Rome was strongly influenced bv Francesco Borromini's work.
In his introduction, Fischer von Erlach justified this shocking array of different works by connecting them to a larger diversity related to "national tastes [gouts des nations]," which included not only architecture, but dress and food as well.
Fischer accepted even "bizarre" details like Gothic ornaments and Indian-like roofs, insofar as they were part of a domain that-with the exception of a few universal architectural princi- ples, like the rules of symmetry and stability-everything was a matter of taste and therefore subject to dispute.
One is reminded of the attitude, explicitly based on the principle of accommodation, held by contemporary Jesuit missionaries toward non- European cultures. But in his most influential work, the Geschichte der Kunst des Altertums , Winckelmann did not insist exclusively on the revela- tions of eternal Beauty. Rejecting the biographical approach used by Vasari, Winckel- mann identified the history of art with the account of "its origins, development, changes and decadence and with the variations of style according to the various peoples, times and artists.
For the first time, style was identified as the subject of art history and con- nected to history in general. In order to analyze stylistic variations, Winckelmann focused on the manifold con- ditions that shaped thern. Besides mentioning the role of climate in rather traditional terms, Winckelmann insisted on the importance of political freedom on the arts, hence on style as a historical index.
In summing up the main features of Etruscan style, Winckelmann remarked that they were shared, to a certain extent, by the Etruscan people as well, and the tendency to delve into excessive details could also be found in their "con- trived and artificial" literary style, quite different from the pure clarity of the Romans. The style of the Etruscan masters could still be perceived in the works of their succes- sors, including Michelangelo, the greatest of all: the same features account for the weaknesses of Daniele of Volterra, Pietro of Cortona, and others.
Raphael and his school, on the contrary, had been spiritually closer to the Greeks. In a rather unexpected direction, this argument developed the reflections of two authors whose works had made a deep although unacknowledged impression on Winckelmann: Caylus and Buffon. Here th e indirect impact of Buffon is noticeable. On two occasions, and , Winckelmann made long extracts from Buffon's Histoire Naturelle. This analogy may have led Winckelmann to argue th at style, as weIl as being either created or imit ated, could also be biologically transmitted-a mom entous step, as we will see.
Winckelmann's rediscovery of Greek art had a deep, lasting impact. Military conquests, arch aeological excavations, and museums unveiled civilizations remote both in space and time; an unprecedented variety of visual documents bec ame accessible to a large European audiencer" An early, impres - sive reaction to this latter phenomenon is witnessed by the Lectures on Sculpture deliv - ered by [ohn Flaxman at the Royal Ac ademy from on ward, and published after hi s de ath In hi s lecture "On St yle" he identifi ed a first principle, which he described in his florid prose as.
Such a quality immediat ely det ermines to our eyes and understand- ing, the barbarous attempt of the ignorant savage-the humble labour of the mere workman-the miracle of art conducted by science, ennobled by philose- phy, and perfected by the zealous and extensive study of nature. This distinguishing quality is understood by th e term Style, in the arts of design.
Flaxman's approac h was obviously hierarchica1. This term, at first, was applied to poetry, and the style of Homer and Pindar must have been familiar long before Phidias or Zeuxis werc known: but, in proccss of time, as the poet wrote with his style or pen, and the designer sketched with his style or pencil, the name of the instrument was familiarly used to ex- press the genius and productions of the writer and the artist; and this symbolical mode of speaking has continued from the earliest times to classical ages, the revival of arts and letters, down to the present moment, equally intelligible, and is now strengthened by the uninterrupted use and aurhority of ancients and moderns.
Thus Flaxman projected into a distant past "the earliest times" what Caylus and Winckelmann in the previous century had written on style in the domain of visual arts. Then he made a step forward:. And he re we may remark, that as by the term style we designate the several stages of progression, improvement, or decline of the art, so by the same term, and at the same time, we more indirectly relate to the progress of human mind, and states of society; for such as the habits of the mind are, such will be the works, and such objects as the understanding and the affections dweIl most upon, will be most readily executed by the hands.
Style, as a concept connecting mind and hands, could therefore be applied to definite stages of intellectual and social history. From this argument Flaxman drew a remark- able inference:. Thus the savage depends on clubs, spears and axes for safety and defense against his enemies, and on his oars or paddles for the guidance of his canoe through the waters: these, therefore, engage a suitable portion of his attention, and, with incredible labour, he makes them the most convenient possible for his purpose; and, as a certain consequence, because usefulness is a property of beautv, he fre- quently produces such an elegance of form, as to astonish the more civilized and cultivated of his species.
He will even superadd to the elegance of form an addi- tional decoration in relief on the surface of the instrument, a wave line, a zig-zag, or the tie of a band, imitating such simple objects as his wants and occupations render familiar to his observation-such as the first twilight of science in his mind enables hirn to comprehend. Thus far his endeavours are crowned with a certain portion of success; but if he extend his attempt to the human form, or to the attributes of divinity, his rude conceptions and untaught mind produce only images of lifeless deformity, or ofhorror and disgust.
Although set wirhin definite boundaries, Flaxman's admiration for the arts of the savages is definitely striking. But Flaxman inter- preted "convenient Flaxman's openness to artistic languages that were distant both in space and time is effectively conveyed by the illus- trations, based partlyon his own sketches, partlyon previous books, attached to his Lectures on Sculpture. Through his fluid, undulating line Flaxman was able to catch an astonishing range of visual idioms, translating them into his own: reliefs from WeHs Cathedral and from Persepolis, statues from archaic Greece and from India; buildings from Mycenae; miniatures from medieval manuscripts-and so forth.
By contrast, Flaxman's saccharine version of Michelangelo's terribilirii seems ludicrous when com- pared with the works of his great contemporary, Fuseli. The Lectures on Sculpture, a contemporary listener wrote, appealed to their audi- ence for their "John-BuHism. Flaxman's illustrations can be regarded as a remarkable attempt to under- stand alien cultures, to penetrate them, to translate them, to appropriate thern: a visual equivalent of British imperialism.
Approximately in the same years, the greatest living philosopher also addressed his students in Heidelberg and Berlin on the exotic arts of Asian countries. In his posthu- mously published Lectures on Aesthetics, Hegel remarked that the flight from the repre- sentation of reality in Chinese and Indian works of art was due to deliberate distortion, not to technical weakness. Those artifacts, he insisted, were both perfect in their specific sphere, and relatively inadequate if compared to the concept of Art and to the IdealY In this way Hegel developed a major Romantic theme: the emphasis on artistic freedom.
But he also avoided its radic al implications, graphically expressed by Heinrich Heine in his Franzsische Maler:. It is always a big mistake when the critic brings up the question "what should the artist do? Heine wrote these words at the beginning of his long Parisian exile. They res- onated in a congenial milieu. A distant echo of them can be heard in an article published many years later in the Revue des Deux Mondes by Delacroix, the pa inter who had embodied for decades the rejection of traditional values.
In a pas- sionate defense of artistic variety, Delacroix argued that Beauty could be attained in different wavs, by Raphael and Rembrandt, by Shakespeare and Corneille. To take antiquity as a model is absurd, he insisted, since antiquity itself did not imply :a single, uniform canon. The "phare allurne sur mille citadelles," mentioned in the poern's conclusion as a metaphor for Beauty, becomes a plural in the title-"Les phares"-reinforcing the point conveyed by the extreme diversity of each strophe.
In May , Baudelaire touched on the same issue in an article published in Le Pays on the Exposition universelle, in which Delacroix, who exhibited rhirty-five paintings, attained a belated fame.
Le Beau est toujours bizarre "The Beautiful is always strange" , Baudelaire wrote. What would he say? I refer to the idea of 'progress'. This dark beacon, invention of present-day philosophizing.. Anyone who wants to see his way clear through history must first and foremost extinguish this treacherous aid.
Was Signorelli really the begetter of Michelangelo? Did Perugino contain Raphael? The art ist sterns only from hirn self. His own works are the on lv promises that he make s to the coming centuries. He stands security only for hirnself. He dies childless,, 54 An emph asis on the multiple elements affecting arti stic variety led Baudel aire to reject the very possibility of a historical approach to art. We will come across this tension again. The historical sequence we have been ana lyzing thus far apparently shows the victory of stylistic diversity over stylistic uniformity.
Nineteenth-century architecture legit- imized the coexistence of different styles, a movement later known as Historicism. Gottfried Semper , the most relevant German representative of this approach , wrote an ambitious work dealing with style in a comp arative perspective: Der Stil in den technischen und tektonische Knsten oder praktische Aesthetik Style in technical and tectonical arts, or practical aesthetic , two volumes of which appeared in and the third remained unfinished.
According to Semper, the very beginning of his project went back to his student years in Paris , when he spen t lon g hours at the [ardin des Plantes looking at the collections of fossil remains assembled by Cuvier. Semper mentioned these youthful memories twice , first in a let- ter addressed to Eduard Vieweg, the Braunschweig publi sher, on September 26, , 55 and then in a lecture deliv ered in in l ondon , where he was living as a political exile he had to leave Germany in after having taken an active part in the Dres- den Revolutionj.
But th e transition from the German letter to the English lecture-the first of a series he delivered in a Department of Practical Arts- brought some sign ifican t changes. On the one h and, Semper excised all words inspired bv G oethe's morphology: einfachsten Urform originary and simplest form , ursprngliche Ideen originary ideas , Urformen originary forms , das Ursprngliche und Einfache the originary and the simple.
On the other, a neutral reference to den Werken meiner Kunst the works of my art became a pointed reference to "industrial art ," suggested by the International Exhibition of in which Semper had been involved, as well as by the specific audience he was addressing:.
We see the same skeleton repeating itself continually but with innumerable vari- eties, modified by gradual devel opments of th e individuals and by the conditions of existence they had to fulfill. Semper had probably a rather vague notion of Cuvier's work, and was certainly unable to take a viable biological model from it. Goethe, who in the debate between Saint- Hilaire and Cuvier at the Academie Francalse in took sides with the former, was paradoxically not less important for Semper.
The vision of a "method, analogous to that which Baron Cuvier followed applied to art, and especially to architecture [which] would form the base of a doctrine of Style" implied a basic continuity with Semper's Romantic roots.
A similar trajectory, from Goethe's morphology to Cuvier's comparative osteology, finally reinterpeted as an allegiance to Darwin's theory of evolution, is provided by another German-educated art historian, slightly younger but not less remote from the mainstream: the famous connoisseur Iwan Lermolieff, alias Giovanni Morellir" Both Semper and Morelli shared a morphological approach to style, but the latter focused on individual artists, Semper on larger cultural units.
The difference in scale implied a different method as well. Morelli never abandoned a rigorous internalist perspective; Semper, on the contrary, regarded style as the result of an interaction between interna 1 and external conditions, wh ich were to be analyzed separately.
The first part of his doctrine of style was supposed to deal with "the exigencies of the work itself and which are based upon certain laws of nature and of necessity, which are the same at all times and under every circumstance"-a rather obscure expression pointing at the con- straints of matter and instruments the latter being, as Semper hirnself admitted, sub- ject to historical change.
The second part would have dealt with "local and personal influences, such as the climate and physical constitution of a country, the political and religious institutions of a nation, the person or the corporation by whom a work is ordered, the place for which it is destined, and the Occasion on which it was pro- duced.
Finally also rhe individual personality of the Artist. At approximately the same time, George Gilbert Scott, one of the main restorers of Westminster Abbey, spoke of the Gothic revival as "our national architecture, the only genuine exponent of the civilization of the modern as distinguished from the ancient world, of the Northern as distinguished from Southern races.
In the debates on architectural styles, race gained a prominent place. Semper's silence on this topie is remarkable. Like Cuvier, he could boast that the N ile Pail-the Aegyptian holy vessel-and the Greek Situla-so closely related to the Dorie style-gave us access to the architecture in whieh the two peoples expressed their respective essence Wesen in monumental form ,63 But in this ambitious enter- prise Semper refused to rely upon race as a conceptual shortcut.
Semper spent the last period of his life in Vienna, where his main architectural works-the Hofburg Theater and the Outer Burgplatz--dramatieally changed the image of the city,64 His book on style was widely echoed by archaeologists and art historians. Toward the end of the century a powerful dissenting voice emerged. In his Stilfragen , Alois Riegl rejected Semper's deterministie materialism, notwith- standing a repeated but mostlv tactical distinction between the Semperians and Semper's subtler thought.
To Semper's interpretation of artistie development as basi- cally determined by instruments, Riegl opposed an autonomous drive toward decora- tion and form, which he later named Kunstwollen will to art , emphasizing its historieal dimension. The links between Riegl's impressive scholarly work and the artistic events of con- temporary Vienna have been often emphasized.
When he argued that the "geometrie style" was not a primitive phenomenon dictared bv lack of representational power, as the Semperians had suggested, but the deliberate product of a sophistieated artistie will, one is immediatelv reminded of Gustav Klimt's nearly contemporary paintings and their geometrie decorations.
Moreover, Riegl shared Hegel's teleological vision, which allowed him to justify late Roman art according to its own criteria and as a necessary transition in the development of world historyr" in a way, a rephrasing of Vasari's distinction between appreciation simpliciter and appreciation secundumquid.
As a weapon against materialistic determinism, Riegl's Kunstwollen seemingly echoed the Romantic notion of artistic freedom that inspired Heine's question: "Was will der Knstler? Riegl dealt with collective entities like late Roman and Dutch Kunstwollen. As we have seen, race was often mentioned in this context. Baude- laire, for instance, included race in a miscellaneous list of constraints upon art, along with customs, climate, religion, and the artist's individual character.
But in the increasingly anti-Semitic atmosphere of fin-de-siecle Vienna, the remarks made by Riegl in his university lectures on the rigidity of the [ewish vision of the world and its resulting "in ability to change and to improve" must have struck a deep chord in his audience.
I" Two years before , Riegl had included in his lectures a parallel between early Christianity and modern Socialism, praising the latter because, "at least in its main rnanitestations, it aims at the improvement of this world.
But his propensity to take style and race as coextensive entities emerges in a footnote to Late Roman Art Industry: the "often overrated" divergence between late Pagan and early Christian art is hardly believable in itself, Riegl wrote, since Pagans and Christians belonged to the same race.
Wilhelm Worringer, the most successful popularizer albeit at a much lower level of Riegl's bold ideas, did not hesitate to put them in an explicitly racial framework. I" In his Formprobleme der Gotik, Worringer repeatedly connected different degrees of stylis- tic purity to an ethnic hierarchy:. The land of pure Gothic culture is the Germanie North.
It is true that English architecture is also tinged with Gothic, in a certain sense; it is true that England, which was too self-contained and iso- lated to be so much disturbed in its own artistic will [Kunstwollen] bv the Renais- sance as was Germany, affects Gothic as its national style right down to the present day.
But this English Gothic lack s the direct impulse of the German Gothic. Northern man, and, fr this reason, not to be uprooted by the levelling action of the European Renaissance. And that applies to the greatest part of Europe. For the Germans, as we have secn, are the conditio sine qua non of Gothic. The years that have passed since , when these words were written, have given them a sinister patina. Anachronistic readings must of course be avoided. But Wor- ringer's "wide" nation of race, so wide to overcome the narrow meaning of "racial puritv," inevitably calls to mind the Nuremberg laws and their punctilious prescrip- tions concerning the various degrees of Rassenmischung.
In Worringer's stylistic club all peoples were included-provided they had an appropriate amount of Germanie blood in their veins. What I have said thus far can provide an appropriate context for the role ascribed to style by a prominent philosopher of science. In a well-known essay, Paul Feyerabend tried to apply to science Riegl's theory about art, which he opposed to Vasari's attitude.
But this balance between science and art proved to be only a step to ward "Science as Art"-the title of Fevera - bend's essay on Riegl, and later of the book in which it was included.
Riegl was the perfect choice: his work implied 1 a coherent attack on positivism, based 2 on avision ofhistory composed of aseries of discrete, self-contained artistic wills Kunstwollen that led 3 to a rejection of the nations of decadence and 4 progress.
The last point, concerning progress, seems inaccurate, insofar as it misses the Hegelian, teleological component in Riegl's work. Riegl's] modern concept of art. Feyerabend remarked that Riegl, with a few others, "had understood the process of acquiring knowledge and the changes wirhin knowledge better than most modern philosophers. Killing Time has been presented as an unusually open and candid account. As is often the case with autobiographies, its openness was probably selective.
But the sec- tion on war includes a remarkable excerpt from some lectures given by the author to his fellow officers in , at Dessau Rosslau , which is directly relevant to the topic I am discussing. Feyerabend's resurne is interspersed with quotations which I put in italics from the notes he had taken fifty years before:. People have different professions, different points of view. They are like ob- servers looking at the world through the narrow windows of an otherwise closed structure.
Occasionally they assemble at the center and discuss what they have seen: "then one observer will talk about a beautifullandscape with red trees, a red sky, and a red lake in the middle ; the next one about an infinite blue plane with- out articulation; and the third about an impressive, five-floor high building; they will quarre I. The observer on top of their structure rne can only laugh at their quarrels- but for them the quarreIs will be real and he will be an unworldly dreamer.
And when people come together, when they try to discover the nature of the whole to which they belong, they are bound to talk past each other; they will understand neither themselves nor their companions.
I have often experienced, painfully, this impenetrability of human beings-whatever happens, whatever is said , rebounds from the smooth surface that separates them from each other. Most people see only the obvious.. Secondly, I said, it is amistake to assurne that the essence of a historical period that started in one place can be transferred to another. There will be influences, true: for exam- ple, the French Enlightenment influenced Germany. Finally, it is amistake to evaluate events by comparing them with an ideal.
Many writers have deplored the way in which the Catholic Church transfarmed Good Germans during the Middle Ages and later and forced them into actions and beliefs unnatural to them But Gothic art produced harmonie units, not aggregates. This shows that the forms of the Church were not alien farms artfremd, a favorite term at the time , and the Germans of that period were natural Christians. I concluded by applving the lesson to the rela - tions between German and [ews.
But, I continued, the Germans reached that stage all by themselves. They were ready for liberalism and even Marxism. After the first two triumphant victories, the poor lost soul didn't manage to win another hand.
When he got 21, the dealer matched it. Whatever he got, the dealer one-upped him. Completely distraught, Dave figured that he couldn't let it end like this so he headed to the cashier in an attempt to borrow enough money to try to win it all back. His string of bad luck continued and he lost it all in a mere five minutes.
Gambling is very ill, indeed. So, why bring up this story in what should just be a quick and simple review of a videogame? Well, because Caesars Palace Millennium Gold Edition is a game that's probably designed for people just like this Dave person. Maybe if he would've tried his luck at a videogame representation of gambling, he wouldn't have thought that winning the dream house was going to be a piece of cake.
Gameplay There's not a lot of fluff here. Despite the background of Caesars Palace, where you'll find a world resplendent in regal pleasures, there's nothing in this beyond the games. This isn't really a bad thing, because it's the games that really matter, but it would've been nice to see a high quality of presentation. However, it is all about the games and this title has plenty of those.
All of the games all appear to be based on the authentic rules and the slot machines have facings that actually look like the real thing. The interface is quite intuitive and there are plenty of buttons that have been mapped to allow players to do certain things, such as throwing the coins into the machines, with a quick press of a button.
Many of the games are quite enjoyable, but the truth of the matter is that it never quite matches the thrill of the real thing. Despite the fact that there is some pleasure in winning thousands of dollars in the game, it can't compare to the real thing.
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